Wegmans Cruelty

Wegmans crowds up to nine hens into tiny, barren cages at its company-run egg facility, allowing each hen less than half a square foot of space.
On May 16 Adam Durand, president of the Rochester, NY-based group Compassionate Consumers, was sentenced to six months in jail for trespassing on a Wegmans’ egg farm when he and others filmed chickens in battery cages in 2004. The “open rescue” resulted in a film, “Wegmans Cruelty,” showed hens covered in flies, trapped in manure pits and hens with their necks stuck in cages.

Open rescues are acceptable acts when they provide direct care to animals in need, grounded in nonviolence and document how the law fails to protect animals from institutionalized cruelty. (For more on open rescues, see my essay, “A Personal Overview of Direct Action in the United Kingdom and the United States,” in Terrorists or Freedom Fights?

Durand and his colleagues deserve our applause for showing the truth of chickens in battery cages.

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Macho Man

Tony 'Macho Man' Blair
It is tempting to imagine the Village People’s Macho Man playing loudly in the Downing Street gym.

First it was those pesky “animal extremists.” Then it was turning the switch on in favor of nuclear power. And now it’s mass deportations of illegal immigrants. Desperate measures for a man in desperate times? Probably. But are there important consequences for animal advocates? Absolutely.

Let’s start first with a quick assessment. The annual number of animals used in research in Britain declined by nearly one-half from 5.327 million in 1973 to 2.854 million in 2004. The use of chimpanzees, gorillas and orangutans is banned as is research for the testing of cosmetics, tobacco and alcohol. But to say that Britain’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 is the toughest law of its kind is akin to claiming that a MacDonald’s veggie burger is the best that vegan cuisine can offer. Groups like the BUAV routinely expose the act’s failures.

As BUAV’s campaigns organizer, I fought vigorously against the Conservative government’s mid-1980’s proposals to replace the Cruelty to Animals Act 1876. But it would even bring a smile to this grumpy vegan’s face if the U.S. Congress were to adopt legislation modeled after the 1986 Act. U.S. public policy on animal research is shockingly inadequate. This is particularly worrisome given the U.S.’s leading role in the use of animals in research, testing and education.

How should animal advocates interpret Tony Blair’s recent declaration of support for “properly regulated medical research”? “Prime ministers don’t often sign public petitions,” he writes. “After all, they usually either criticize the Government or demand priority treatment for a specific cause.” Blair gives the usual arguments why animal research is necessary. He cites his government’s above-mentioned accomplishments. But the reason why he is speaking out is because of the “campaign of intimidation – which include grave-robbing – [which] show the depths to which the animal extremists are prepared to stoop.”

In short, Blair joined the pro-vivisection backlash that is now underway in Britain. A backlash precipitated by a 16-year-old school drop-out, Laurie Pycroft. Since forming Pro-Test, there’s been a series of pro-research demonstrations featuring Pycroft and the launch of The People’s Petition.

This impetus in support of animal research has the media’s attention. They’ve latched onto Pycroft and the petition and the increasing numbers of scientists who are now emboldened to speak out behind a teenager’s back.

But what caused the backlash in the first place? Was it the anti-vivisection message or how the message was made? It seems to me that stealing the body of Gladys Hammond, a close relative of the Hall family who ran the farm that raised guinea pigs for research, was, well, the final nail in the coffin.

I know all too well the arguments made in support of such actions as these and others: “Animal cruelty justifies any act in the name of animal liberation.” But I ground my advocacy for animals in four principles: nonviolence, compassion, truth and interbeing—the interrelatedness of all. Clearly, grave-robbing an 82-year-old grandmother is impossible to justify.

And that’s why the backlash is underway.

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Final Wishes

Who can deny anyone their final wishes? Well, I can if it involves killing an animal.

Frank Gray wrote in a recent column about Jason Wright, who has an advanced case of cystic fibrosis. Jason’s dreams will come true when he travels to New Zealand in July to hunt and kill a red stag.

Apparently, there’s a growing demand for gravely ill children who want their final wishes fulfilled by taking the life of an animal. There’s even a not-for-profit organization, Hunt for a Lifetime, dedicated to “granting hunting and fishing adventures and dreams for children age 21 and under, who have been diagnosed with life threatening illnesses.”

And this would be laughable if it were not so tragic. Michigan Representatives Robert Gosselin and Leon Drolet recently introduced House Bill No. 5998 which, if passed into law, would permit the terminally ill to be exempted from regular hunting restrictions.

Talk about a right to die.

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Dennis Severs House

During a recent visit to London, I was taken to the Dennis Severs House in London. Severs bought and lived in and restored this house in the City. It’s neither a museum nor a tacky tourist attraction but a fascinating time capsule. You’re instructed to walk around the candlelit-only house in silence to “either see it or not” depending upon the imagination that you bring to the experience. Should you find yourself in London, I strongly encourage you to take the time and trouble to visit the Severs House because it’s a truly unique and special experience. Please listen to the BBC radio program that you can access at the Severs Web site.

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Why Americans Hate Politics

I regret E J Dionne’s book is called Why Americans Hate Politics because it misleads the reader into thinking that it is about something that it’s not. This is a book that discusses U.S. politics of the Sixties Left and the Eighties Right and contrasts the Liberal left with the Republican right. Dionne concludes with the recommendation of a perspective that I’ll summarize as a self-governing republic striving for the middle ground. At the book’s conclusion he briefly refers to the American’s growing alienation from political discourse but it hardly justifies the book’s title. Nevertheless, I found this to be an excellent book as someone who wanted to understand more about contemporary American politics and public policy development. Further, his Washington Post columns and radio media appearances always demonstrate keen insight and thoughtful criticism. I look forward to reading Dionne’s additional titles.

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